OPINION:
The Syrian Democratic Council plays a pivotal role in Syria’s transition and future constitution. It rejects independence for Rojava, the Kurdish region in northeast Syria, in lieu of power-sharing between Damascus and Syria’s regions. The SDC does not seek a “zero-sum gain,” where its gains come at the expense of others. After 50 years of conflict and hardship, the SDC wants a win-win outcome that stabilizes Syria, harmonizes competing claims and satisfies the needs of Syria’s diverse population.
In my recent meeting with the SDC, I was briefed on relations with Ahmed al-Sharra, leader of Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the Sunni Islamist militia that occupied Damascus and drove Bashar Assad into exile. The SDC celebrated Mr. Assad’s defeat, but it is wary of replacing one dictator with another.
The HTS is a jihadi organization with foreign fighters from around the world. The U.S. lifted its $10 million bounty on Mr. al-Sharra, but it is waiting to normalize relations until Syria’s new rulers are tested, proving their tolerance to religious and ethnic minorities — Kurds, Alawites and Christians, including Armenians.
The HTS must also demonstrate independence from the Syrian Democratic Army, a hard-line Turkish-backed militia that vows to slaughter American allies, Kurds and moderate Sunni Arabs fighting ISIS. More than 11,000 members of the Syrian Democratic Forces, the SDC’s military wing, died fighting ISIS at America’s best; 25,000 were seriously wounded.
ISIS may be on the back foot in Syria and Iraq, but it is not vanquished. The SDF guards 12,000 hard-core ISIS members at a detention center in Rojava, northeast Syria. Nearby, the Al Hol camp has 60,000 ISIS family members in detention.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan threatens a cross-border attack against the SDC, whose members he views as terrorists because of their ties to the PKK, Turkish Kurds who have been fighting for greater political and cultural within Turkey. For Mr. Erdogan, counterterrorism means killing Kurds. Like ISIS, Mr. Erdogan has threatened to “cut off their heads.”
The U.S. is not a disinterested party. There are 2,000 U.S. Special Forces in Rojava. The SDC is all that stands between a massacre by Turkey’s jihadi proxies. Turkish troops are massed on the border; its drones threaten the SDC.
Syrian Kurds are America’s allies with whom we share values and strategic interests. Syrian Kurds espouse grassroots democracy, women’s empowerment and environmental sustainability, which benefit all Syrians equitably.
The SDC has adopted decentralization as a model for Syria’s future governance. It points to the 1920 Constitution, which stipulated that “the Syrian Kingdom consists of provinces forming an indivisible political unit.” It embraces the 1950 Constitution, which expanded the powers of local administrative units and councils.
The SDC bemoans Syria’s centralized policies under Mr. Assad, which led to deep social, economic and political divisions. To facilitate Syria’s transition and national unity, it calls for the redistribution of power and the transfer of responsibilities and authorities to local entities to enhance community participation. It also believes in transparency, reducing corruption through local governance and enhancing accountability.
It espouses geographical decentralization as the best way to achieve balanced justice and development. Geographic decentralization is also the basis for improved relations between ethnic and religious communities. The SDC advocates three dimensions of decentralization: political, administrative and financial, alongside a comprehensive reform plan. It supports the separation of powers, strengthening the independence of executive, legislative and judicial authorities in each region. Its national social contract is rooted in the values of citizenship, shared rights and national diversity under Syria’s future constitution. It envisions Syria as an independent and sovereign state with unity among its communities.
None of these goals can be accomplished without security. To this end, the SDC calls for local security forces drawn from the communities they serve under the supervision of the national army, responsible for safeguarding Syria’s borders and national defense.
Mr. al-Sharra is enamored with his power and suggests the transition could take four years. The SDC wants faster results, although it recognizes that it’s better to get it right than rush.
There’s a lot to do. Syria needs a new constitution with a bill of rights. It must establish truth-telling or accountability for Mr. Assad’s crimes. National unity is paramount to ensure the central government’s critical role. In the SDC’s view, Damascus will be responsible for fiscal, commercial and monetary policy, administering the central bank, collecting taxes and distributing revenue.
In addition, the constitution must enshrine affirmative measures upholding the interests of its diverse nationalities and religious communities. Once displaced people have returned to their homes, Syria will conduct a census and hold national elections.
Turkey is a wild card. It may object to decentralization in a country on its border, lest it inspires its own Kurdish and Alawite minorities to seek something similar.
Syria faces a moment of peril and opportunity. A discreet transition stewarded by the Trump administration can help limit Islamist extremism in Syria, marginalize Russia’s influence and restore U.S. leadership in an oil-rich region of the Middle East.
• David L. Phillips is an adjunct professor at Georgetown University’s Security Studies Program. He is a former senior adviser at the State Department’s Near Eastern Affairs Bureau, working on Kurdish issues.
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